Select committee room in the Palace of Westminster

Kicking up a fuss: What the select committees do best

Kicking up a fuss: What the select committees do best

You could argue that the expenses scandal trauma has been a good thing for Britain. It prompted a wave of reform among the political classes, as they sought to get their act together and restore politics' battered reputation. One of the biggest changes that took place in the Palace of Westminster was a seemingly minor, but actually very important, one: the election of the select committees.

Previously the chairs of these bodies were decided by the government whips, effectively muting their independence. That changed after the 2010 general election, when the recommendations of former Labour MP Tony Wright's committee were implemented. There were elections for each committee chair post. And then each party held internal elections to decide who would fill their allocations on each committee.

Interestingly, those who work closely with the committees haven't noticed a dramatic shift in the kind of MP who becomes a chairman. There are not more colourful characters, as you might expect, after the all-powerful influence of the whips was removed. Is there really that much difference, for example, between the old-school Tory Michael Fallon, who would have been the whips' choice to take over the Treasury committee, and Andrew Tyrie, the very dry, assiduous backbencher who won last year's election?

The reason for the limited change in personalities may partly lie in the select committee chair's role being grounded in consensus-building. There's a constant tension between producing a punchy report which criticises the government, attracting headlines in the process, and a rather drab work of compromise which is forced into a thoroughly mediocre consensus. For all their reforms, select committees only function properly when their conclusions are truly cross-party.

Despite the limitations this imposes, there are moves afoot to change the system. Many committee chairs are angling for extra powers, slowly tweaking the constitutional settlement as they do so. A greater say for parliament reduces that of the executive – and the government doesn't like to give up its powers too easily. Further calls for reform are likely to find themselves blocked.

Nevertheless, the newly-reformed select committees are looking to make more of an impact than they have in the past. Now they have added legitimacy, they could start to cause further trouble in the coming months. Until now most committees have been struggling to keep up with the government's hectic legislative programme. They've produced a handful of reports, made their recommendations and moved on. From about now, a number will start to look at the extent to which coalition ministers have taken note of their conclusions. Some may even kick up a fuss if the government fails to do so. Insiders say there's going to be a lot more of that in the next year or so. As these follow-ups emerge, we'll begin to see quite how effective the newly reformed committees really are.